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RUNNING HEAD: Dove's Emphasis Dove'S Accent 1

Pigeon'southward Accent on a Culture'southward "Real Beauty": A Comparative and Disquisitional Analysis of American

and Chinese Ascendant Ideologies Revealed within Marketing Strategy

Annaliese B. Piraino

Nicolette Deyarmin

Yiwei Xu

Indiana University of Pennsylvania

April, 2015

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Pigeon's Emphasis on a Culture'south "Real Beauty": A Comparative and Critical Assay of American

and Chinese Dominant Ideologies Revealed within Marketing Strategy

Introduction

A earth leader in beauty products, Pigeon Beauty's contempo shift in marketing emphasis has

drawn much public attention. Both their Campaign for Existent Beauty and Movement for Self-Esteem

(launched in 2004/2010, respectively) purportedly serve to inspire female person conviction about natural,

"Real" beauty, and change standards of dazzler to part equally confidence building tools rather than

sources of feet ("The Dove Campaign for Real Beauty," 2015). The Dove Campaign for Existent

Beauty website (http://www.dove.united states/Our-Mission/Existent-Beauty/default.aspx) starting time provides a

timeline of the campaign and its stimuli, processes, and justifications. Along with its associated

goals and mission, the site also offers both instructor and parent materials, readings of studies and

corresponding data, and many resources "designed to assist you lot engage and support young people

aged 7 to 17 on issues relating to self-esteem and trunk confidence" ("The Dove Campaign for Real

Beauty," 2015). In add-on to product promotion, Dove.us links to social media and topics for

word; the campaign as imparts customer appointment techniques and directives like

"Tweet a photograph with a friend who inspires y'all with their confidence using #speak beautiful " ("The

Dove Entrada for Existent Dazzler," 2015). At current, an unofficial Internet search of "Campaign

for Real Beauty" yields 41,400,000 hits—conspicuously, the Campaign is making its mark on not only the

U.s.a., but likewise the globe. An online magazine, The Inquisitive Mind reports that, "Media exposure

has provided $150 meg in gratuitous media time for Dove's campaign ("Grand Prize", 2007).

Furthermore, "Evolution" received over ane.7 million views during its first month, making it the most

viewed video on YouTube in October 2006. Information technology is quite clear that Dove "hit a homerun" with this

advertizing movement.

Also throughout the site, users find Pigeon product recommendations and award details of

Dove Beauty products—all placed in juxtaposition with inspirational quotes (eastward.chiliad. "#Love your

curls!" / "I beloved my red hair because information technology matches my passionate personality! etc.). Furthermore, the

site maintains a "changing" wall wherein same are suffused within changing tile Dove

ads forth with poignantly espoused and rather disturbing information and statistics pertaining to

women'south concerns and subsequent self-esteem. For example, ane datum notes, "82% of women

feel the beauty standards set past social media are unrealistic"; some other that "vi in 10 girls avoid

participating in primal life activities because of concerns virtually the manner they look. Being held

dorsum at this age significantly affects their future" ("The Dove Campaign for Real Beauty," 2015).

While these examples provide only a spattering of information found within, the answer to any and

all such issues—buy a Dove production—emanates from site successively. I page espouses "Your

purchase counts" and, more than deliberately, "we [Dove] can aid." They proceed to say:

In the xi years since we launched the Dove Self-Esteem Project, we've helped 17 million

immature people in 112 countries. More than than 625,000 teachers take delivered a Dove self-

esteem workshop and more than i.5 one thousand thousand parents have engaged with our online content.

No other arrangement is acting on this important outcome on the same calibration or with the same

touch on. We are also proud to say that by working with independent academic experts and

conducting rigorous scientific research, nosotros take been able to show that Dove'due south cocky-esteem

didactics is world-class and scientifically proven to significantly increase body confidence

and self-esteem in young people. ("The Dove Entrada for Existent Dazzler," 2015)

Assuming the above numbers are accurate and honest, no argument herein stands against the

program's amity nor its efficacy. Yet, by applying a disquisitional lens and cognitive base of operations to this highly

RUNNING Caput: Dove'south Emphasis DOVE'South EMPHASIS 3

inventive and outstandingly effective marketing phenomenon, primary ideologies sally from

inside Pigeon Dazzler's strategy—specifically, within the Entrada for Real Beauty (i.east. the Vote

Ads). This analysis frames selected campaign Vote Ads from within 2 divergent Campaign For

Real Dazzler market foci: i) the America try, and ii) the Chinese effort. Information technology is suggested within

this analysis that although Pigeon's letters seemingly function equally empowering—and every bit an

ideologically defiant response to oppressive feminine narratives—deeper assessments reveals

specific and intentioned emphases; particularly, Dove Vote Advertizement messages represent with those

aforementioned cultural myths the entrada ostensibly seeks to counter. In consequence, these two item sects

of Dove's Vote Ad campaign emphasize parts of the female most frequently associated

with societal standards of beauty, thereby offering dichotomous sets of characteristics to unabridged

groups of women within each of these two cultures. In this, Dove imparts to women that only two

choices exist for each given body characteristic—and, most disturbingly—that if you are not one,

y'all must be the other; for example, if you are not "fit" then you must be "fat." Inside each

campaign market, Dove tailors Vote Advertising letters in appeal to the characteristics of "dazzler"

within that item lodge; thus, Dove's acknowledgement of cultural variation and beauty ideals

lacking universal adoption supports Pigeon's desire to employ each country's concomitant standards.

Non only does such selection and isolation advise Dove's intent to point directly to each standard,

only the manipulation of that standard; all while these actions reinforce the essence and

"importance" of said standards. This entrada proclamation thus suggests that women — especially

those analogous to Dove'southward representative beauty ideals—must still have need for dazzler (products,

that is).

Substantially, Dove Beauty provides a feminine narrative forthright in its fight to cancel

prejudiced ethics. Let us theoretically consider this process: first, inside each given civilization,

significant cultural beauty ideals need be identified (those that show most pressing to women);

next, selection of female representatives, in archetypal and pellucid class, must outset acknowledge

the beingness of that very aforementioned platonic. Quite cleverly, Dove Beauty is able to use this counter-

narrative to sell products, for it appears an effort of merely cause and subsists quite personally to all

women; therefore, Dove Beauty creates a market of just slightly over one-half of the world by appealing

to women's fight for equality (Dye, 2009).

Background and Intent

Reviewing the overarching entrada through cognitive-based theoretical underpinnings,

this analysis selects and views six advertisement products, three from the U.s.a. Campaign and

three from the Chinese Campaign; next, an analysis of the motifs within each market grouping

uncovers campaign design considerations related to beauty ethics. For example, revealed within

Western messages are motifs reminding women to consider trunk size; tummy tartness; managed

[low] weight; large breasts/posterior; and long, flowing pilus. Similarly, Pigeon's Chinese campaign

reveals the same ideological presence of beauty, asking Chinese women to consider corresponding

motifs. Here, value is attached to exceedingly small-scale stature/weight, nonetheless divergent standards ask of

the Chinese the following: "perky" [but not excessive] breast size, "celestial" confront featuring double-

fold [Western] eyelids, straight/lifted [Western] nose, eye-shape face, and stake skin. It is thus the

proposition of this piece that, while such messages appear well intentioned, they continue to

reinforce and perpetuate those aforementioned ideologies of which they claim to oppose, holding to

traditional, exploitative marketing of the female body every bit it ties to self-worth. Moreover Dove's

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"branding strategy perpetuates an oppressive ideology of 'real beauty' requiring a behavior ("cocky-

esteem") that underscores neoliberal self-comeback benefiting the corporation's power (Murray,

2013). Theories of media, psychology, sociology, biology, and many other fields of study apply to

gendered standards of society; beauty is a vastly studied topic within this territory, and statistical

analyses within empirical studies illustrate the pervasive nature of the beauty myth within women's

lives. To illuminate simply a few, the following five quotes appear within female self-esteem and

advent literature. Beginning, and reported past Irving (1990), impossible societal standards produce

harmful consequences; "Anorexia nervosa, bulimia, and chronic dieting, bug involving

obsession with food and dissatisfaction with cocky or trunk, are examples of such consequences."

Second, Hargreaves and Tiggemann (2002) find that "viewing [unrealistic ideal-based] advent

commercials led to increased schema activation, acrimony, and body dissatisfaction, as well as to

decreased confidence…." Finally, Morgan (1991) so poignantly offers the list of professionals

needed to construct this required beauty; she write of a woman'due south needs:

The beauty culture is coming to be dominated by a variety of experts, and consumers of

youth and dazzler are likely to discover themselves dependent not only on corrective surgeons,

but on anesthetists, nurses, aestheticians, smash technicians, manicurist, dietitians, hairstylists,

cosmetologists, masseuses, aroma therapists, trainers, pedicurists, electrolysists,

pharmacologists, and dermatologists. All of these experts provide services that must be

bought; all these experts are perceived as administering and transforming the man body

into an increasingly bogus and e'er more perfect object (Morgan, 1991)

Women and girls who acquiesce to beauty's dominant ideology fe el the need to modify near

every office of their physical appearance, all in an effort to comply with unobtainable societal ideals.

Pigeon's website notes that 90% of girls would similar to alter at least ane part of themselves, and

estimates report just 4 percentage of women within the entire world experience "beautiful" (interesting,

given only 5% are "model - like" in shape). Likewise , "Approximately 11.7 1000000 surgical and

nonsurgical procedures were performed in the United States in 2007; of these surgeries 91% were

executed on women" (Dye, 2009). Furthermore, expectations of such petty nature but serve to

imprison the "afflicted" woman in additional nuisance, thereby distracting them from other goals

and considerations. For example, in the Huffington Post's "vii Ways the Dazzler Industry Convinced

Women That They Weren't Good Enough" attributes much pressure level on women to marketing, for asouth

long equally women dislike their bodies, the more than they will spend. " Cellulite was introduced and

demonized as a major public enemy of the platonic female body" (The Huffington Post, 2015). The

Dazzler Bias (Rhode, 2010) covers and the Beauty Myth (Wolf, 2013) are both foundational

summaries of such topics, "The beauty myth of the present is more than insidious than any mystique of

femininity nonetheless… the contemporary ravages of the beauty backlash are destroying women physically

and depleting us psychologically" (Wolf, 2013).

Theoretical Framework

Man existence becomes real, becomes tangible, through the intrinsic understanding—and

innate use—of dichotomy. I is able to discern her or his world by what things are and by what

they are not. Human consciousness and subconsciousness unremittingly decipher whether things

are blackness or white, good or bad, right or wrong, heavy or light, smart or stupid, here or at that place, living

or dead. Homo life persists according to certain, rather concrete, dichotomous understandings; for

instance, the self exists each day under the implied understandings that one is live, not dead; one is

here, non there; of these nominal elements one is aware, but only by their converse possibility.

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Bonny women are oft labeled "stupid," while unattractive women are thought more

probable to possess intelligence. These labels and understandings brand sense because of dichotomy:

in this case, beauty or brains, for women cannot be both. Additional qualities proceed women under

thumb: pretty/ugly, night/light, fat/skinny, blonde/brunette, etc. Hesse-Biber (1996) explains that

the dichotomy of body/mind keeps women focused on the body and teaches them that, with the

right body, at that place is no need for the mind. While we rarely recognize duality around us, information technology exists

inside each element: we are happy or sad, married/attached or single (and, if besides old, a woman

must have a defect), rich or poor, sick or healthy. As such, standards either exist or they practise not

exist; for one thing cannot be without its other. If this holds truthful, than both sides of a dichotomy

exist in some grade—some state—of existence. Fifty-fifty in lack of tangibility, there remains

acknowledgement. Furthermore, it is the position of this analysis that acknowledgement insinuates

course; i.eastward. acknowledgement of the beingness of something perceived in daily life. These

perceptions, concepts, and ethics shape virtually standards of beauty—consider, for case, that merely

1 to v percent of women even come shut to (but never accomplish) the ideological image of what

constitutes external "beauty."

The advertising manufacture has long used dichotomy as a means of viewer attention grabbing.

Pointing to 1 thing, in juxtaposition of its other, effectively urges the viewer to accept an

extreme, especially when that thing is far more desirable. Consider, for example, that ane is live

and faced with its adverse. One volition near probable select live, as when she or he forcibly must select

one of two, at that place is no grey. Such contrast expresses to the consumer something is precisely what

they desire, and what they demand in social club to be, or to accept what is "good," or maintain what is "right ."

In an advertisements where dichotomy is explicit, the advertiser is subconsciously telling the

consumer what they are, or what they are not, and thus provides instructions on how to live, and/or

what to buy. In doing so, one thing exists and one affair does not, one thing is bad and the other is

proficient, one thing is right and the other matter is wrong, and—in Dove's Campaigns—one selection is

beauty, one pick is non. A powerful example of such dichotomy in Dove Beauty's marketing is

their recent Vote Ads. A office of the Entrada for Real Beauty, Pigeon employs antonym to entice

action by the manipulation of a women's insecurities. Each pic ad of a "existent" woman bears a

rhetorical question; each question serves to question each ideal, yet by labeling examples of women

whom embody their respective themes and expectations of cultural beauty, they pigeonhole the

voter/viewer/customer into yes or no questions—where yes is beauty and profit, and no is

imperfection and loss—with little debate. In a semiotic assay of the Pigeon Vote ads, (Murray,

2013) provides this summary (CFRB is Campaign for Real Beauty):

The message of "real beauty" in these texts functions every bit a social myth wherein the

denotative signs of liberation oppose the connotative signs of oppression in the depictions

of "existent" women. The central meaning of "real beauty" in these texts is connected to a

voting device; the linguistic sign "cast your vote" connotes the feminist value of suffrage,

however, CFRB is not an election. By tallying the votes on publicly displayed interactive

billboards and on the CFRB website, the women go objects for blessing or

disapproval by the "real" judgment of global audiences, with potentially disempowering

consequences for the "real" women. Moreover, CFRB's oppressive construction of these

signifiers— wherein the voter is able to select only one option — does non let for debate.

It seems that many of Dove's deportment and much of Pigeon'south content could be helpful for teens,

parents, and others; still, their advertising, rather finer, draws attention to the appearances and

characteristics society forces women not to desire, simply then offer Dove Young manty productdue south as the

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inpoesy; essentially, the campaign and its materials seem tainted past Dove'southward paradoxical corporate

appearance. Unilever, the corporation that owns Dove, also owns a company that manufactures

and sells diet pills. It is in this context that Dove Beauty's hypocrisy lies, as they spotlight (and

sell) the verbal societal standards that their campaign claims to contradict. By highlighting these

"flaws," Dove Beauty acknowledges the existence of the ideological preference, and uses them for

financial gain through emotional manipulation. Each ad, varying by culture, exploits dissimilar

shortcomings, and in turn offers the antithetical solution: a Pigeon product (Dye, 2009).

Cerebral Response Theory

Cerebral Response Theory outlines ane possible consideration for such effectiveness in

Dove Beauty's marketing strategy. This theory purports that people nourish to their own personal

contexts, yet they are most oft unaware of their own reactions at responses to outside stimuli. As

such, nigh people are thus "unable to verbalize the cues governing those responses" (Marshall,

Stamps, & Moore, 1998, p. 23). Because we are subject to these automated and central cognitive

processes, nosotros are often unaware of our own biases and prejudices, and how (or when) outside

influences such equally media or advertising messages might affect our actions and/or thought processes.

Through the consideration of this theory, it is clear that such attitudes can potentially misconstrue our

perceptions about others, especially those ideologies whereby one finds his or her open wounds to

lie. In plough, there is petty surprise that female image—and thus female worth—evidence effective

ways to induce activity; in this case, it is buying action (Merianos, Vidourek, & King, 2013).

Greenwald (1968) notes that, "When a person receives a communication and is faced with the

decision of accepting or rejecting the persuasion, he may be expected to try to relate the new

information to his existing attitudes, knowledge, feelings, etc. In the course of doing this, he likely

rehearses substantial cognitive content beyond that of the persuasive bulletin itself." Within this

statement, Greenwald references the same dual measures of acceptance or rejection. For

a woman, this ways she accepts that dazzler requires Pigeon Beauty products (and and so buys them),

or she denies and lives as the antithesis.

This analysis relies on attractiveness (or lack of) every bit a human being condition detailed throughout

history by poets, scholars, artists, rulers, and historians; examples of immense beauty thread

throughout the pages of history, and reference levels of beauty which, every bit with Helen of Troy, could

even "launch a thousand ships." The power that attractiveness holds has only recently become an

expanse of bookish report. Beginning in the 1970s, academics accept begun to uncover the influence

attractiveness bears, including perceptions pertaining to personality, quality of life, and talent.

Furthermore, studies outline dazzler biases slanted in favor of the "beautiful," as individuals that are

more attractive are more than desirable, and for more than than aesthetic entreatment. Early research related to

this miracle attributes to Dion, Berscheid, and Walster, especially their 1972 written report outlining

the mantra that "What is Beautiful is Good" (WIBIG). WIBIG finds that attractive individuals

announced more sociable, interesting, sympathetic, out-going, and dignified than the less attractive.

Furthermore, Dion et al. observe that the physically attractive are recognized as amend spouses (and

more likely to find a spouse) and better parents. Not long later on WIBIG, Gillen adds enquiry that

supports hypotheses outlining increasing levels of "social desirability" with increasing levels of

attractiveness; and, that highly attractive persons "were seen as more probable to possess positive traits

and, conversely, less likely to possess negative traits than unattractive persons" (1981). Thus,

Gillen notes that fifty-fifty when considering "sex-irrelevant goodness," a what-is -beautiful-is -good

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upshot persists. Unfortunately, the WIBIG bias persists equally an unstated still implied ideal for women.

Most women therefore strive for the unattainable, blaming lack of beauty for personal, social,

academic, and other failings. Advertising agencies frequently dispense these unstated

insecurities, but Pigeon Beauty has quite brilliantly created a entrada even more appealing than

petitions to only insecurities. Dove Beauty, inside these narratives, has added to these cerebral

consequences a sympathetic component. Consequently, through these ads, women not only

recognize their flaws (as per custom), but conjure a fondness for Pigeon Beauty. To both the

cognitively unaware and the cognitively aware, Dove Beauty, every bit an entity, fosters a human relationship

with its customers wherein the customer feels that Dove Beauty wants to combat these insecurities

and biases for and with women, and assistance them boost confidence, etc.; in the interim, however, a

Pigeon product or two are necessary. Thus, while drawing on the "warm fuzzies" of women, they

also implicitly draw on their diffidence. Moreover, within this context the entrada perpetuates

these beauty myths; this time, however, the myth goes along with the message that while information technology all the same

exists, women and Dove Dazzler tin can fight it together: they only need buy products starting time (Dye,

2009).

As a concluding concept of foundational material, it is important to note that the visitor that

owns Pigeon, itself, contradicts its bulletin of belief in "real" women, and through an entirely

different way than inherently. Unilever, the possessor of Pigeon Beauty, besides maintains a visitor of

personal male product—Axe. Inside this company'south marketing campaigns, the women featured

are precise embodiments of those [supposedly] negated within their campaign for "Real Beauty."

Tiny waists, big breasts, flawless skin, long pilus, and every other ideal persistent within the

American beauty ideal exude from these models. Accordingly, the male person figure is the center of each

advertising, while the scantily clad female pursues he who uses Axe products. By propositioning such

myths within Axe ads, Unilever at present forcefully perpetuates them; whereas its Dove Beauty ads

only acknowledged the myth's existence, Axe actively cultivates it. Because this binary

opposition, it seems Unilever buttresses its ain agency; for as long as there exists such myth, there

exists lifelong need for beauty products. The following quote from Dye (2009), her analysis

arriving at a similar position, fares quite telling:

…by encouraging images of "real women," Dove implies that women who do fit the ideal

are non real women, and that "existent women" are not the ideal. Equally a result, the Dove campaign

fifty-fifty excludes women from participation. The slogan "Real women have real curves" shows

how Pigeon's campaign for diversity negates itself; some bloggers on Dove's website argued

that because of the stigma against the un-real ideal, many naturally sparse girls are defendant of

having an eating disorder, and consequently, endure from a negative body prototype and low

self-esteem. …because of the exclusions placed against both men and women inside the

Dove Entrada for Real Beauty, recognition and tolerance of diverseness goes unrealized,

reinforcing people'southward reliance on bolt for acceptance in an increasingly fragmented

society of private individuals.

Dove Dazzler in American versus Chinese Markets

In American society, women feel it necessary to meet myriad varying beauty standards (i.e.

WIBIG). The standards for American women that emerge inside the following three campaign

artifacts while functioning under the youthfulness umbrella. These include the possession and

maintenance of 1) flawlessly straight, shiny, "healthy" hair; 2) deadline emaciated-looking sparse

RUNNING HEAD: Dove's Emphasis Pigeon'South Accent eight

and lithe bodies, with supple breasts and thin hips; and three) soft, smooth, blemish and wrinkle-free

skin. The following provides a comparative analysis of Vote Ads by juxtapositioning American

advertisements with their Chinese counterparts. While features slightly vary, categorical

considerations remain similar: ane) the skin, 2) facial features, and iii) the trunk. Past comparing these

ads within Dove's three primary categories of product marketing and within 2 divergent cultures,

we run into the blatant emphasis placed upon cultural myths of beauty perpetuated past Dove. We thus

ask the reader: if a visitor seeks to counter an idea, will a universal appeal not better

deemphasize that detail entreatment? Inside these particular ads, whatever the feature, ane

tin can imagine that any woman with said feature would instantly self-ridicule; it appears this is

the marketing goal. Particularly poignant are characteristics unchangeable through Dove products,

for if a company is to depict on an insecurity, it seems only logical that they offer a solution to that

aforementioned insecurity; here, Pigeon does not, drawing on overall emotional states to dispense women

into buying. For instance, what solution might Dove's deodorants, hair products, or moisturizers

offer to a Chinese adult female made increasingly insecure about her eyelids? None--in such cases, it is

the advertising's appeal via pathos wherein women build make loyalty to Pigeon products.

Varying statistics testify the unease virtually women experience about their bewitchery, and the

subsequent need for change in some part of their appearance that fails to reach societal standards.

Dove Beauty, in an ironic twist, reports these statistics themselves; mentioned in some Pigeon ads,

the "Dove Self-Esteem Projection" is a campaign project poised to help nationwide self-esteem in

women; for example, the site notes "six in ten girls end doing what they honey considering they experience bad

about their looks" (http://www.dove.us/Social-Mission/Self-Esteem-Statistics.aspx).

Within the Dove Vote Ads prevarication the samples of analysis for this essay. Vote ads "featured a

woman who deviated from the idealized beauty norm presented by the media. The ad invites the

reader to judge each woman'south deviant physical feature/southward . The reader had the option of choosing

from two adjectives. The remaining line of text provides aphoristic like rhetorical questions (e.k.

"Does dazzler mean looking like everyone else?" and "Does true beauty only squeeze into a size

6?"), and then directs readers to world wide web.campaignforrealbeauty.co.united kingdom. At the website, readers vote

on the lacking characteristics displayed within the paradigm. Furthermore, the woman's attributes and

missing attributes are to foster discussion on linked message boards, and/or social media.

Furthermore, as noted past Roedl (2010); "Each ad critiques the one area of the model's torso that

does not come across the beauty standard," and thus, equally abovementioned, points directly to a yes/no

determination— and all provide solution in Pigeon product. Murray (2013) suggests, this phrasing

suggests optimism or pessimism, an intertextual reference to the rhetorical expression, 'Is the glass

half empty or half full?' (Murray, 2013). Essentially, each woman must choose between buying

beauty and not buying beauty—and, which to obtain—while at the aforementioned time pointing to what is

"wrong" with each woman. By offer women the opportunity to judge, Dove creates an

additional underlying complication past assuming viewers and consumers envisage and embrace

cultural myths and stereotypical norms, and then act (and buy) according to their parallel directives.

Furthermore, while presenting the female body equally junior, "This [campaign] excludes men from

having body issues, firmly establishing body insecurity every bit a feminine trait" (Roedl, 2008). To

summarize, Dove is unnoticeably supporting theast media in their perpetual oppression of women

within physical characteristics, while noticeably denying it.

In the consideration of dominant appearance and beauty ideologies within Prc, and as

Dove'southward Real Beauty Campaign emphasizes, Chinese women particularly care most three things:

white/light facial peel, the lack of double eyelids (i.e. Caucasian eyes), and maintaining a skinny,

RUNNING Head: Dove's Emphasis Dove'S EMPHASIS 9

yet curvy body. These three foci correspond with Western women's want for contraction free (to

some, also tan) peel, long and lush hair, and a thin, lithe body. While the Chinese eye ads do non

expressly parallel American hair ads, both characteristics are facial features, and thus best fit this

analysis. Similarly, while Chinese women may seek differing standards, they nonetheless

experience the same ideological exigencies.

The Skin

Within one of the more questionable Dove Vote Ads, a young dark-skinned woman stands with

crossed arms aside the selections "Night?" and "Dazzling"? An objectionable dyad nonetheless,

i must wonder why the use of "Dazzling" (other than tricky alliteration). Pop political

advertisements and product lines employ simpler strategy, attaching vague words where significant

should lie; in this instance, the word "Dazzling" is an adjective normally associated with objects,

things like diamonds. Digging deeper, The Found for Propaganda Analysis (IPA) recommends a

number of steps for assessing such tactics, methods also known equally glittering generalities. For

brevity's sake, we induce 2: whether or not the question under consideration 1) has a legitimate

association with the true pregnant of the word (then, is this blackness woman/black peel night or dazzling?

More directly, is she beautiful?); and, 2) whether or not an idea is being forced through a pretty

give-and-take. Applying these steps through this particular advertizement, 1) the Oxford English Dictionary defines

"dazzle" (verb) as a. "Of the eyes: to lose kinesthesia of singled-out and steady vision: from gazing at too

bright light"; and b. "To exist or become mentally confused or stupefied; to become dizzy" ("The

definitive record of the English Language," 2015). Both of these starting time ii definitions refer to color,

particularly of a potent, blinding type. Neither seems insinuative of anything pleasing to the eye.

While "dazzling," colloquially, frequently indicates something shiny or fantastical, it does not seem an

advisable reference—by itself—for a woman of color, or whatever other. Continuing on to stride two, it

might appear to some that the color, every bit it is listed every bit the 2nd choice, is the characteristic being

"sold." Co-ordinate to the rules of glittering generalities, it appears the adult female's dark peel is the

"bad" choice on the Vote Advertisement, whereas the 2nd holds footling to no meaning at all; plain, her

skin is not "nighttime" only is only hard on the eyes. IPA says of the glittering generalities technique,

"the Glittering Generality device seeks to brand united states approve and take without examining the

evidence." Applying such reasoning, here one is to approve and accept night [skin] is the bad,

inright selection; therefore, it is better to accept the label of dark skin as difficult on the eyes

("Propaganda Techniques ", 1938).

As Dove's campaign ads mimic, Chinese people—although expected mostly for women—do

care about skin color, especially the facial skin. Usually, white and light skin is considered as the

ideal appearance, and is closely related to Chinese traditional cultural values. A longstanding

Chinese saying notes: "Yi Bai Zhe San Chou," meaning (essentially) that calorie-free, white skin hides

numerous facial flaws. This partly explains the Chinese ideological value of pare: white skin is

better than dark skin. Moreover, Mak mentions that "whiteness " symbolizes higher social status,

particularly for the Southern Chinese culture, as southern girls born to rich families did not need to

work in sunny, hot farmlands; and, therefore they naturally maintained white facial pare.

Accordingly, the antiquated manifestation remains, wherein those with dark peel are exterior

labors— and lower class — work exposing them to sunshine. (Mak, 2007).

Ironically, western women oftentimes seek tan, gold skin; this desire contradicts cultural ethics

before nigh 1920. Women report their want to appear tan as a means of combating weight issues,

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such as cellulite and the overall appearance of thinness. Mary Williams (1999), in a foundational

study of this phenomenon, establish 84% of women cited this catalyst. She writes that the

…word of women's plastic surgeries is particularly relevant to the tanning question…

Our culture provides young women with a plethora of signs indicating their bodies'

unacceptability…past encouraging women to work continually on their advent, by

enervating that they obsess over body shape and peel tone, patriarchal institutions tin rest

assured that females will never gain equality. (Adams, 1999)

Williams goes on to explicate the beauty myth ensures that women feel their natural state

unacceptable, and thus in constant fight to "destroy ugliness" and this state drives consumerism;

furthermore, should the woman hate the very skin she is in, she thus becomes the ultimate

consumer. Boosted Pigeon Beauty Vote advertisements are as perplexing; a ruby haired

woman smiles, with the dichotomy "flawed" or "flawless" beside her. While the image does not

telephone call on skin color, per se, the reference in question accentuates the woman's skin quality flaw:

freckles (although 1 must wonder why this woman must be "stereotypically red-headed). In an

boosted Vote ad using the same female image, the ad offers a different dichotomy: "ugly spots"

or "beauty spots." Regardless of ad or civilization, these skidue north ads all target female insecurities about

the detail "skin they are in"; afterwards all, what ameliorate way to sell products than to a woman

disappointed with her entire body?

The Optics and The Hair

Dove Beauty's campaign highlights i of Chinese women'southward most pressing beauty

concerns; this characteristic cannot exist changed with makeup, lotion, nor any bachelor Dove

product, just is certainly bothersome to increasing numbers of teenage girls—double eyelids. Within

the Chinese market, Dove's Vote Advertizing delineates this concern with a "Single Eyelids?" or "Twice as

Dainty?" pick. In a glance of this advertizement (which features a smiling Asian woman), similarly-eyed

women promptly turn focus to this personal dilemma. Moreover, ever-expanding Chinese

ideological preference for "Western looking" eyes is a true concern for young women, but is

especially unsafe in Mainland china where regulations to the plastic surgery manufacture are young, and

common are "black marketplace" surgeries by unlicensed or unethical practitioners. Prior to 1980,

plastic surgeries in Mainland china were allowed for only the physically plain-featured. Chinese women, in a

carve up enquiry study, reportedly experience of cosmetic surgery as a fashion to see themselves every bit "the

embodiment of a new China: perfect, successful, and wealthy" (Lindridge & Congying, 2008);

furthermore, idiosyncratic language in People's republic of china now includes word translations of "Homo-made

beauty" or "Knifecut beauty."

Recent research of centre shape preference every bit it relates to beauty suggests that both Chinese

and non-Chinese observers consider medium-height upper eyelid pucker "about bonny," and thus

current pop civilization deems the absence of an upper eyelid pucker "least attractive" (Harry S Hwang

& Jeffrey H Spiegel, 2014). An inherited trait, double eyelids are expressly common among

Europeans, and are absent in Approximately 50% of E and Southeast Asian women"; in medical

jargon, this references presence of a well-divers supratarsal. (Harry Southward. Hwang & Jeffrey H.

Spiegel, 2014). Harry S. Hwang and Jeffrey H. Spiegel (2014) note that women "born with either a

minimal or absent supratarsal eyelid crease" do non meet the cultural criterion for this "beautiful

eyelid"; They explain, "Amidst people of Chinese descent, the cosmos of a supratarsal crease

("double" eyelid blepharoplasty) is the most common cosmetic surgical process"; furthermore,

RUNNING HEAD: Dove's Emphasis DOVE'S Accent 11

increasing levels of Chinese girls use double-eyelids stickersouth, or makeup in attempts to alter the

appearance of their eye shape, and thus more appropriately coincide with Western ideals (Harry S

Hwang & Jeffrey H Spiegel, 2014).

Linda, "a 40-twelvemonth-quondam Asian woman", told Weitz (2001) that her hair must be advisedly

guarded, as certain looks, i.e. her natural hair, are but "too Asian." In her effort to preserve her

preferred style (which, needless to say, is that manner relational to "beauty" inside her society) she

"…e'er carries an umbrella, never swims with friends, and dries her hair after showering earlier

letting anyone see her." Undoubtedly, well-nigh American and Chinese women relate to Linda

regardless of cultural predilection; consider, for example, the many times women declare a "Bad

Pilus Day." A separate Asian adult female within the aforementioned study notes of such days, "If I'm having a

bad hair mean solar day, I'm having a bad twenty-four hours in full general… My day is just shot" (Weitz, 2001).

In a carve up annotation, although a woman's head hair is a sign for many things such equally her civilisation

and her personality, her body hair is especially offensive and thus needs removed. Startlingly,

99% of women reportedly remove some course of body pilus; and from this data the authors

explaining that the inherent issue inside this standard do for women, similar many others, is but

that: it's standard practise (Toerien, Wilkinson, & Choi, 2005). A dissever, as well rather telling

gene emerges from Basow wherein about around 80% of women remove leg and/or underarm hair

(no other forms of hair assessed here as in Toerin, et al. above), at to the lowest degree occasionally. The report

goes on to report uncovered meaning constitute within the data: "Two types of reasons for shaving

emerged: feminine/attractiveness reasons and social/normative reasons. Most women commencement shaving

for the latter reasons but proceed to shave for the former reasons (Basow, 1991). Basow (1991)

also reports lesbian and feminist groups of women are least probable to shave.

The Torso

Pigeon Beauty Vote Ads draw attending to the female body characteristics, virtually notably weight.

Vote Ads enquire "Fat?" or "Fit?" and "Oversized?" or "Understated?" Traditional Chinese culture

persists within a Confucian framework, wherein identity and fidelity are familial; altogether,

Chinese culture is not individualist, but collectivist—and thus the emergence of self-centered

miracle, and body appearance centrism, are in direct contrast with Chinese traditional values;

ultimately, the reveal the manifestation and influence of modernization and western civilization.

Written of these conflicting ideals, Lindridge and Congying (2008) offer the following caption

from inside their study data:

…the argument that the body tin can be converted to cultural, economic and social upper-case letter was

axiomatic among all our participants who, with their parents, viewed their body as a product

that should be invested in and refined to reverberate a modernizing Red china… a modernizing

lodge is partly characterized past exposure to mass media, educational achievement and

employment of women. Indeed, these three identifiers were evident amongst all our

participants, who felt that a modernizing Mainland china offered them opportunities beyond their

parents' imagination and their life experiences. Plastic surgery represented then the

culmination of this modernization process, where the trunk could exist contradistinct and improved,

just as Chinese society was being contradistinct and improved.

Body weight and size is an important event in both Communist china and the Us. People in both

countries consider body size equally a meaning measurement for women'southward beauty. According to the

research conducted by Xie, Chou, and Spruijt-Metz, 41.half dozen% of girls who were actually normal or

underweight described themselves as either relatively heavy or very heavy, demonstrating this

mutual phenomenon. Weight dissatisfaction is epidemic among both Chinese and American teen

RUNNING HEAD: Pigeon's Emphasis Dove'S Accent 12

girls (Lo, Ho, Mak, Lai, & Lam, 2009). In Prc, it is the skinny, withal curvy trunk virtually desired by

women; this enquiry is consistent with previous observations on self-perception of trunk weight

status among U.S. teenagers, as well. Interestingly, the situation in Communist china is currently far more than

severe than that in the United States. For example, China has i of the lowest body fatty percentage

rates in the earth—the average denizen maintains just almost v% torso fat; conversely, the United

States boilerplate pct per citizen reaches xxx%. However, yet some other instance seemingly of

western influence, the average weight among 7-xviii year-quondam Chinese youth increased 28 times from

1985-2000 (Lo et al., 2009). According to statistics from Procon.org, the comparison Becerra

countries is staggering, with 18.nine% of Chinese citizens overweight, and 66.9% of Americans; every bit for

obesity, but two.9% Chinese qualify, whereas do 33.ix% Americans ("United states of america and Global Obesity Levels:

The Fat Nautical chart," 2011).

Although both Chinese and American societies continue progressing while women's equality

takes steps with each passing yr, suppression and inequality nevertheless exist. Not only do Dove's Vote

Ads point out these unrealistic dominant ideologies, they indicate what most women yet experience under

antiquated, oppressive social controls and constraints many hoped today to be a bad retentiveness of the

by. It may hold truthful that "Normative social controls (such as internalization of a feminine beauty)

may have become increasingly important over the course of the twentieth as external constraints on

women'due south lives diminished" (Baker-Sperry, & Grauerholz, 2003); or, it might be that women's

suppression will always exist. Or, virtually likely, inequality will be eradicated in form to sally equally

some other. Numerous Vote Ads failed to mention, including grayness/gorgeous, wrinkled/wonderful, 44

and hot/44 and not, half empty/half full, boy/infant, and flat/flattering. Pigeon Dazzler also finds

success in advertising through commercials, blogs, social media, and others, but "Emotion

Marketing" works as their enterprise wide pursuit, which sustains connections with customers

(Robinette, 2001). More apropos, Dove'due south optimistic messages divert women from the true

letters, and thereby positions the corporation in the market equally a hegemonic force able to "usurp

the feminist office of engendering social alter for women" and relocate that missive into wide-

reaching institutional power (Murray, 2013).

Dove Beauty has the ability to in effect reestablish dazzler standards inside their broad

public reach, although herein increases corporate social responsibleness; in addition, notes Dye, these

Dove Beauty letters, of individualistic nature, are potentially "…replacing considerations for the

greater public with the tasks of narcissistic self-promotion and paradigm-construction" (Dye, 2009).

Overall, Dove's campaigns are popular. What viewers do not notice is that Dove Beauty actively

pinpoints messages of body characteristics not related to lather, deodorant, nor body launder; and,

these tactics sell product and entreatment to the emotions and insecurities of women. Toerien et al.

(2005) offers a profound argument apropos "narcissistic" and "niggling" actual obsessions such as

these: The requirements of this piece of work identify women in a double-bind: trivialised for taking them

seriously; treated as feminine failures for not doing so (meet Bartky, 1998). By refusing to

trivialise women's 'beauty' practices, then, we question the narrow definition of

'adequate' feminine embodiment, which maintains–at the most 'mundane,' and, hence,

insidious level–the bulletin that a woman's body is unacceptable if left unaltered. (Toerien

et al., 2005)

Information technology is truthful that social ideologies of such magnitude identify women in precarious circumstances of,

one time over again, binary opposition; if she worry virtually her looks she is vain, if she does not she suffers

the WIBIG prejudice. Women cannot fight such a massively invasive construction themselves,

RUNNING HEAD: Dove's Emphasis DOVE'Southward Accent thirteen

which is why we plow to the powerful for help. At the advent of this campaign, women across the

globe felt a flicker of hope for modify—and it was some change, for information technology was at least a consideration.

We can but now wait for the side by side corporate superpower to make an attempt, and one time again

dissect its letters for genuineness and benignancy; or, as we see hither, an interesting spin on an

antiquated ideological manipulation.

Dove's Emphasis xiv

Running Head: DOVE'S Accent

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Pigeon's Accent 15

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Over the past decade, cosmetic procedures have significantly increased in options available for females to attain the American cultural standards of dazzler. The purpose of this study is to deport a content assay of brochures and to observe what cosmetic procedures are made available to female customers from plastic surgery centers, and also to examine the medical and therapeutic framing techniques used to encourage females to undergo cosmetic procedures. Three plastic surgery centers (overall response charge per unit= threescore%) located in one metropolitan area served as participants for this report. The researcher observed the locations and collected all brochures made bachelor. Twenty-one diverse brochures were used in this study every bit well as the researcher located the websites to view any missing information of services offered not included in the brochures. A content assay was conducted of the brochures. All of the cosmetic surgery centers were accredited and advertised each plastic surgeon's credibility. Diverse invasive and noninvasive corrective procedures were offered by each center including procedures that focus on the confront, breasts, trunk, and pare care. Additionally, all cosmetic surgery centers marketed their elective surgeries to females by using medical terms equally well every bit therapeutic terms. Every bit the rates of cosmetic procedures have significantly increased overtime, corrective surgeons appear to do good from employing medical terms to diagnose beauty among their target population of healthy females. In addition, using therapeutic terms to ensure increase self-esteem among females is another beneficial framing technique. © 2013: Ashley Fifty. Merianos, Rebecca A. Vidourek, Keith A. King, and Nova Southeastern University.

  • Dara Persis Murray Dara Persis Murray

This article examines the cause branding strategy of The Pigeon Campaign for Real Beauty (CFRB) as a case written report in the production and consumption of contemporary popular meanings of feminism, social modify, female citizenship, and female beauty in global consumer culture. A feminist semiotic analysis of the print, television, and new media texts that launched CFRB and its make extensions reveals a juxtaposition in its "real beauty" messaging: signs reference a cardinal opposition in feminist politics (liberation and oppression) while dictating a beauty ideology that encompasses advent and behavior. Further, the texts situate the brand equally the site for female person activism about the dominant credo of beauty; this strategy positions the corporation to usurp the feminist part of engendering social change for women and displaces the influential mentoring part away from women who share girls' everyday lives onto an agent of institutional power. Finally, the author argues that this postfeminist-supported campaign encourages the global spread of and individuals' enlistment in postfeminist citizenship via becoming a "real beauty" who self-brands her neoliberal identity ideologically and materially in the name of empowerment. This "social change" denies agency regarding beauty, sanctions postfeminist citizenship, and holds danger for hereafter meanings and practices of feminism.

Information technology is a mutual assumption that the effectiveness of a persuasive advice is, at least in part, a function of the extent to which its content is learned and retained past its audience. This assumed learning-persuasion relation is based on a reasonable analogy be-tween the persuasive communication and an informational com-munication such as a classroom lecture. In the lecture, information technology is by defi-nition of the educational situation that retentivity of content is taken as a measure of effectiveness. In the persuasion situation, notwithstanding, the essential criterion of effectiveness is acceptance of content. Information technology remains an empirical question to determine whether acceptance of a persua-sive communication is related to retention of its content. The hypothesis that acceptance of a communication is, in some part, a office of learning or retention of its content has received explicit endorsement by a number of attitude researchers and theorists

  • Lori Grand. Irving

Authors in the field of eating disorders suggest that increasing preferences for sparse torso shapes in women may be related to recent increases in the prevalence of eating-related problems. Using a social comparison theory paradigm, this written report looked at the impact of exposure to slides of thin, average, and oversize models on the self-evaluations of 162 women exhibiting varying levels of cocky-reported bulimic symptoms. Contrary to the author's expectations, exposure to thin models was related to lower cocky-evaluations regardless of level of bulimic symptoms. Women reporting loftier levels of bulimic symptoms did, still, report a greater amount of pressure to be thin coming from media, peers, and family than did women reporting lower levels of symptoms. Results suggest that media have an impact on women'southward self-evaluations regardless of their level of bulimic symptoms. Implications are discussed.

  • Lauren Dye

According to the American Gild for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery, approximately 11.7 million surgical and nonsurgical procedures were performed in the Us in 2007; of these surgeries 91% were executed on women. While gimmicky conceptions of beauty are limited to say the least, Dove's campaign to counter such ideas are similarly limited. In attempting to appeal to what they call "real" women, Dove markets itself equally an esteem-edifice brand based on enhancing women's natural beauty; yet, what Dove sells are nonetheless beauty products. I will argue that the message of Dove's Campaign for Real Beauty is not only contradicted by its product-line, but that Pigeon exploits women'due south want for such an inclusive message. The appeal of the campaign works to create a deep brand loyalty that covers up its own inherent flaw: that Dove itself upholds the beauty myths and expectations information technology claims to aim to opposite, expectations that are both consuming and consumed.

  • Harry S Hwang
  • Jeffrey H Spiegel

Background: A well-defined supratarsal pucker has oftentimes been considered attractive, representing a significant component in a beautiful upper eyelid. Approximately fifty% of East and Southeast Asian women are born with either a minimal or absent-minded supratarsal eyelid crease. Amidst people of Chinese descent, the creation of a supratarsal crease ("double" eyelid blepharoplasty) is the well-nigh mutual cosmetic surgical procedure, only no comparative written report has assessed the height by which an upper eyelid pucker is deemed most attractive and depending on cultural background. Objectives: The authors assess how attractiveness is interpreted by dissimilar cultural groups to determine whether double-eyelid blepharoplasty enhances attractiveness according to both Chinese and non-Chinese observers. Methods: Facial photographs were taken of 19 women of Chinese descent. The photographs were enhanced with figurer imaging software to generate 3 additional pictures, depicting depression, medium, and high upper eyelid creases on each model. Via an Internet-based survey tool, Chinese and not-Chinese observers were asked to charge per unit the attractiveness of the faces with each potential eyelid position. (Surveys are available online at world wide web.aestheticsurgeryjournal.com, as Appendix i and Appendix 2.) Results: Both Chinese and non-Chinese observers considered the medium-height upper eyelid crease most attractive (P < .00001). An absent upper eyelid pucker was deemed the to the lowest degree attractive (P < .00001). Conclusions: These preference data for eyelid height tin can be used to improve counsel patients on perceived attractiveness and expectations for surgical results, since these results farther elucidate which facial features are universally considered attractive.

  • Susan A. Basow Susan A. Basow

A major component of "femininity" in the Usa today is a hairless body, a norm that developed in the United States betwixt 1915–1945. Piddling has been written regarding the development of this norm, and virtually no empirical research has been done to assess how universally ascribed to is this standard or why women really remove their leg and underarm hair. More 200 women from ii national professional person organizations responded to a mailed questionnaire (response rate 56%). The majority (around 80%) remove their leg and/or underarm hair at least occasionally. Ii types of reasons for shaving emerged: feminine/attractiveness reasons and social/normative reasons. Most women start shaving for the latter reasons merely continue to shave for the one-time reasons. Sure groups, still, were least probable to remove leg and/or underarm hair: strongly feminist women and self-identified lesbians. The results of the written report are discussed in terms of the function the hairlessness norm may serve in our civilization.

  • Duane Hargreaves
  • Marika Tiggemann Marika Tiggemann

Proponents of sociocultural theory propose that torso dissatisfaction results from unrealistic ethics of bewitchery transmitted through the media. In the nowadays experiment, 195 female person and 206 male person adolescents viewed 20 appearance-related or twenty nonappearance-related goggle box commercials. The results showed that viewing appearance commercials led to increased schema activation, anger, and body dissatisfaction, too as to decreased conviction in women compared to the viewing of nonappearance commercials. Schema activation was shown to partly mediate the effect of commercial viewing on appearance dissatisfaction. The level of advent schema, an individual deviation variable, chastened the effect of commercial viewing on body dissatisfaction. For men, viewing advent commercials led to increased schema activation, although mood and torso dissatisfaction were non afflicted. These results support the usefulness of cocky-schema theory in proposing schema activation as the underlying process by which the media tin increase body dissatisfaction, and appearance schematicity as the caption for why some individuals are more vulnerable than others to media effects.

  • ROSE WEITZ

This article explores how women seek ability through both resisting and accommodating mainstream norms for female hair and delineates the strengths and limitations of these strategies. The data help to illuminate the complex role the body plays in sustaining and challenging women's subordinate position, how accommodation and resistance lie buried in everyday activities, the limits of resistance based on the trunk, and why accommodation and resistance are best viewed as circumstantial variables rather than equally polar opposites. Finally, these data suggest the importance of defining resistance as actions that refuse subordination past challenging the ideologies that support subordination.

  • Kathryn Pauly Morgan

The paper identifies the phenomenal ascent of increasingly invasive forms of elective cosmetic surgery targeted primarily at women and explores its significance in the context of gimmicky biotechnology. A Foucauldian analysis of the significance of the normalization of technologized women'due south bodies is argued for. 3 "Paradoxes of Choice" affecting women who "elect" cosmetic surgery are examined. Finally, two Utopian feminist political responses are discussed: a Response of Refusal and a Response of Appropriation.